Editor's note: This is one in a series of six pieces that shows how professional sports owners in America contribute to political campaigns, why they spend millions in the space and what that financial power means as athletes across sports continue to embrace activism of their own.

BILLIONAIRES OPERATE DIFFERENTLY from the rest of us. An enthusiastic young supporter of an insurgent candidate might send off a $20 contribution to a campaign, but those with a large fortune cut checks for hundreds of thousands of dollars to national political parties and partisan super PACs. That's enough to blanket a market like Cincinnati or Raleigh with television ads for a couple of days.

While LeBron James appeared at a Cleveland rally for Hillary Clinton in 2016, NBA owners were pouring millions into the campaigns of her and her opponent, Donald Trump, directly and indirectly. One can debate the efficacy of the free media attention surrounding an event starring a person with James' recognition, but cold cash has a way of buying tangible resources for a national campaign. Money, as the saying goes, is the mother's milk of politics.

The NBA has long had a place in high-level American politics. Larry O'Brien, the namesake of the trophy presented to the Los Angeles Lakers in October, was NBA commissioner in the twilight of his professional career. He's most notable as a leading political operative central to John F. Kennedy's campaign, Lyndon Johnson's landslide victory in 1964 and Robert F. Kennedy's 1968 presidential bid who then served as chairman of the Democratic National Committee.

Herb Kohl served as a U.S. senator for 24 years during his tenure as owner of the Milwaukee Bucks. Between 1989 and his death this year, former NBA commissioner David Stern made more than $2 million in individual contributions to Democratic candidates for federal office and party committees. For years, NBA owners such as Larry Weinberg and Abe Pollin were leading, high-profile donors to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee. Today, NBA owners on average collectively donate more than $4 million per federal election cycle to candidates ranging from the far left to the far right poles of the political spectrum, according to Federal Election Commission research by ESPN and FiveThirtyEight.

These election records sometimes produce more questions than answers. Why did Chicago Bulls owner Jerry Reinsdorf make the maximum contribution to both Montana Sen. Jon Tester and his Republican challenger Matt Rosendale in 2018? Houston Rockets owner Tilman Fertitta gave to Arizona Sen. Martha McSally in her unsuccessful reelection bid, so why does he now support her opponent in this cycle, Democrat Mark Kelly, to the tune of $15,400 (including a $10,000 donation to the Arizona Democratic Party)? Why did Indiana Pacers owner Herb Simon contribute to Ted Cruz, Marco Rubio, Chris Christie, Jeb Bush, John Kasich and Hillary Clinton -- all of whom were running for the same office in 2016?

We can learn a lot about a donor from his or her political giving history, quite often even their motivation for contributing in the first place. And when it comes to the billionaire class that runs professional sports franchises, these contributions aren't always what they appear to be.

The business giver

MIAMI HEAT OWNER Micky Arison is a cruise ship titan, the chairman of the board of Carnival Corporation and CEO of the company for decades. Even after selling off nearly $1 billion of Carnival stock approximately six years ago, the Arisons still have nearly a quarter stake in the corporation.

Arison has one of the more interesting political giving histories in the NBA. He has contributed to the most conservative Republicans and the most liberal Democrats. He gives large sums of money to both Republican and Democratic party committees fighting against each other to win majorities. He will donate to a congressman, then turn around the next election cycle and donate to the challenger who beat him.

Dig deeper into Arison's tally and some revealing patterns come to light. Each election cycle, Arison contributes to Bob Gibbs, an Ohio congressman from a largely rural, safely Republican district whose largest body of water is a small reservoir covering a modest 1,350 acres in the summer months. Those contributions make more sense when you consider that Gibbs is the ranking minority member on the House Transportation Subcommittee on Coast Guard and Maritime Transportation, which oversees cruise ships.

In addition to his $2,000 to Gibbs, Arison has given generously this cycle to the ranking members of the respective committees in the House and Senate. Sean Patrick Maloney of New York, who took over as chair of the committee when the Democrats won the house, received $5,400 from Arison. In the Senate, Republican Roger Wicker (chair of the Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation) received $5,550, while Maria Cantwell (the ranking Democrat) received $2,500.

What's behind the seemingly random $1,500 check Arison wrote to the Hawaii Democratic Party PAC? That's the leadership PAC of Brian Schatz, a young Democratic senator regarded by policy wonks as one of the more fluent legislators on the Hill on all matters cruise industry (Schatz has been receiving cruise ship money dating back to his lieutenant governor days in Hawaii).

"Arison is the cruise industry, and he's very strategic in his giving," Ross Klein, a professor and expert on the cruise ship business, wrote in his book "Cruise Ship Squeeze."

Peruse the list of committee members in both houses and there's a very good chance their campaigns have received donations from Arison, be it liberal Democrat and civil rights luminary Elijah Cummings or right-wing Republican Randy Weber, who referred to President Barack Obama as a "Socialist Dictator" and "Kommandant-in-Chief" just before the 2014 State of the Union address to Congress. Even nonvoting member Stacey Plaskett of the U.S. Virgin Islands received $10,200 from Arison and his wife, Madeleine, this cycle. (Micky Arison was the only donor to max out to Plaskett for both the primary and general elections). Incidentally, Carnival offers eight-day cruises to the U.S. Virgin Islands.

Because none of Carnival's fleet operates under the U.S. flag and it is largely governed by international maritime law, Congress' regulatory authority is somewhat limited. Within the U.S., the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the Coast Guard have ultimate say on whether cruise ships can pick up passengers. Yet on an annual basis, legislators can still pass regulations that could mean hundreds of millions of dollars to the industry's bottom line.

For instance, in 2010, Congress passed the Cruise Vessel and Safety Act, which required that cruise lines report on-board crimes, missing passengers and suspicious deaths to the Coast Guard and FBI. Ships also had to retrofit cabin doors with safety latches and peepholes, carry rape kits for potential victims, as well as have a trained forensic assault specialist on board. Congress also regulates waste streams discharged from ships, and disembarkation procedures for cruise ships docking in the U.S. -- and who pays for them. Most recently, the cruise ship was a lightning rod in negotiations over COVID-19 relief, with many members of Congress opposed to handing over money to cruise ship operators that are intentionally based outside the United States.

Because many owners have real estate empires, their political contributions are often directed to local candidates. Miami Dolphins owner Stephen Ross gives hundreds of thousands of dollars to candidates for federal office -- the vast majority to Republicans and a handful of Democrats from New York and New Jersey -- and he's also an active giver in local elections, some in far-off cities. Ross' real estate development company, Related, has massive, high-profile projects all over the country, and where you find those buildings, you'll find some contributions to mayoral candidates.

Rahm Emanuel received $60,000 from Ross during Emanuel's tenure as mayor of Chicago, where Related has a dozen properties. That trend continues across the country: Both Ross and Equinox, which Ross also owns, have ponied up in Los Angeles' mayoral and city council races, while Gavin Newsom and Adrian Fenty received contributions from Ross during their terms as the mayors of San Francisco and Washington, respectively.

For corporations such as Carnival and Related, having a seat at the table when new laws and regulations are discussed is essential.

The ideological giver

ORLANDO MAGIC OWNER Dan DeVos comes from one of America's archconservative royal families. In 1959, DeVos' father, Richard, co-founded Amway, a multilevel marketing company, building it into a billion-dollar empire. Richard purchased the Magic in 1991 for $85 million, and he died in 2018. Dan assumed the role of the Magic's representative on the NBA's board of governors in 2011.

As Rich DeVos amassed his fortune, he became a generous donor to the country's emerging religious right movement. He made a personal contribution of $25,000 in 1975 to be a leading benefactor of the Christian Freedom Foundation, an organization that told readers of Christianity Today that, "Our country was founded on a certain harmony of values preserved by our Christian heritage ... It is time for responsible Christians to take a hand in the affairs of the state."

The elder DeVos twice served as a president of the Council for National Policy, an organization founded in 1981 by author and fundamentalist Christian leader Tim LaHaye to bring together prominent right-wing voices ranging from Pat Robertson and Phyllis Schlafly to Ed Meese and Paul Weyrich.

In addition to donating tens of millions of dollars to civic organizations in Michigan, the Richard and Helen DeVos Foundation made sizable donations to anti-gay organizations such as Focus on the Family and the Family Research Council. Dan DeVos' sister-in-law is Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos, who has been a lightning rod in the culture wars raging during the Trump administration.

Research has shown that parents who are more politicized tend to produce children who adopt their political affiliations, and Dan DeVos' tally of political contributions would suggest that.

"From a very young age, my brothers, sister and I were taught by our parents that engagement in the political process is an important responsibility for all Americans, and that has stuck with me throughout my life," Dan DeVos told ESPN.

The recipients of the most money from the Daniel and Pamella DeVos Foundation in 2018 include DeVos' alma mater, Northwood University, Grand Valley State University, the Whitney Museum of American Art and the Grand Rapids Art Museum.

On the political front, though, Dan DeVos is a bedrock, high-dollar Republican Party giver. In the current election cycle, DeVos has made contributions of $200,000 each to a PAC established to elect Republicans to the House; America First Action, a prominent pro-Donald Trump super PAC; as well as a single-candidate super PAC in support of Michigan senatorial candidate John James. In addition, DeVos has maxed out 13 of the 20 sitting Republican senators up for reelection in November and has given nearly $200,000 to committees dedicated to keeping a Republican majority in the upper chamber.

DeVos said his giving is "driven by a desire to advance opportunity for all, preserve and enhance individual freedoms for all, and encourage a fair and open economy that rewards hard work, fosters innovation and recognizes the important value of each person."

DeVos will support non-Republicans on rare occasions when the party can't field a competitive candidate, such as the nonpartisan race for mayor of Orlando. The PAC supporting longtime incumbent mayor, Democrat Buddy Dyer, received $50,000 from DeVos, more than from any other individual or entity. (The PAC also received $45,000 from Disney Worldwide Services, a subsidiary of ESPN's parent company, second only to DeVos).

On the other end of the political spectrum, Chicago Cubs co-owner Laura Ricketts has compiled pro sports' most progressive tally of political donations, which is an extreme departure from the rest of her family. One of Ricketts' brothers, Todd, is the current finance chair of the RNC, and her brother Pete is the Republican governor of Nebraska.

Laura Ricketts founded LPAC, a PAC advocating for LGBTQ women, to which she has contributed more than $1 million over the past three electoral cycles. She gave $35,500 to the DNC this year and $300,000 to Hillary Clinton's 2016 presidential campaign. She is an enthusiastic supporter of female candidates for federal office, with a contribution of more than $100,000 to a super PAC that supports pro-choice women running for federal office.

Both of today's major political parties are fueled by true believers who are deeply committed to a gospel that preaches their vision of what American should look like. There are few things more powerful in political life than the faith in that conviction backed by billions of dollars.

The personal giver

THERE'S A THIRD group of contributors driven by less concrete motivations. Some of them are social creatures who enjoy the company of fellow power brokers, while others are drawn to the game of politics the way you might be to NBA basketball.

The opportunity to play golf with a former president can be enough of an incentive to donate what represents a meager amount for a person with extreme wealth. And some people say yes when solicited for a political contribution because they value their relationship with the person who is asking.

When examining the motivations of an American sports owner, more than one of these factors -- if not all of them -- likely is at play. Milwaukee Bucks owner Marc Lasry is the NBA's quintessential personal giver, one whose combination of general political orientation and social inclinations make him a resident of the Democratic Party's elite circles.

A hedge fund manager, Lasry -- who, along with Arison, declined to comment for this story -- is not an ideologue, but he is an immigrant from Morocco who has said he values the Democratic Party's overarching creed that government should actively help those in need.

Lasry was a relatively modest giver, limiting his $2,000 contributions largely to New York Democrats and assorted others, including Rahm Emanuel's congressional campaign in Chicago, until the summer of 2004, when he wrote his first $25,000 checks to the Democrats' Senate and House committees. His close friendship with Emanuel deepened his ties to the power center of the party and, correspondingly, his financial support of its candidates. There's mutual benefit: Like every key politician, Emanuel has fundraising as an unofficial task, and Lasry got to meet that need for a friend.

Prominent donors and powerful politicians often become friends, which means Chanukah parties at the White House and rounds of golf on Martha's Vineyard. Walk into the office or home of a big party donor and there's a good chance you'll find a framed photo of him or her with a president or senator.

Lasry's deep involvement in the Democratic Party is about far more than the health care debate or the composition of the Supreme Court.

Over time, politicians called him to get advice on the economic landscape. He began to be a regular at high-dollar events and, in 2012, became one of the few people who can say he hosted a sit-down dinner at his home that both Bill Clinton and Barack Obama attended. On more than one occasion, Clinton has sat courtside with Lasry at a Bucks game, in Milwaukee and in Brooklyn.

Party bigwigs eventually meet just about every aspirational politician, which means they can expect (or hope) to be hit up for a contribution by the candidate. During the 2020 Democratic primary, Lasry gave money to Joe Biden, Cory Booker, Kamala Harris, Kirsten Gillibrand and Pete Buttigieg. Lasry wasn't wishy-washy so much as a longtime party fixture who was a friend or acquaintance of several candidates.

Personal relationships are central to this kind of political giving. New England Patriots owner Robert Kraft made his first contribution to an individual candidate's campaign in more than five years when he donated $15,000 to the PAC supporting 32-year-old congressional hopeful Jake Auchincloss. Why? Possibly because the candidate's mother is the CEO of the Dana-Farber Cancer Institute in Boston. Kraft's wife, Myra, died in July 2011, more than a year after being diagnosed with ovarian cancer, and the family has donated millions of dollars to the institute, which provided her generous care. What a critic might call cynical back-scratching someone else might call material support for a person who shares a common cause.

Some of the biggest party donors are hobbyists who like the action, while others like having their proverbial name on the wall of a longstanding American institution like a major political party. Some are here for the real estate porn -- which in fundraising circles means using the lure of a posh home to attract potential donors. Some enjoy the ego gratification that comes with exclusive company, while others are just returning a favor for a friend who gave to their philanthropic project.

So long as money funds America's political parties and their politicians, people with money will be in close proximity.

Editor's note: This is the first in a series of six pieces that shows how professional sports owners in America contribute to political campaigns, why they spend millions in the space and what that financial power means as athletes across sports continue to embrace activism of their own.

American professional sports owners have contributed nearly $47 million in federal elections since 2015, according to research by ESPN in partnership with FiveThirtyEight, including $10 million to Republican causes and $1.9 million to Democratic causes so far in the 2020 election cycle.

That strong Republican lean is consistent with owners' spending in the 2018 and 2016 federal elections as well. A deep search in the Federal Election Commission database of campaign finances for principal owners, controlling owners, co-owners and commissioners from the NBA, NFL, NHL, WNBA, MLB and NASCAR reveals that this deep-pocketed group has sent $34.2 million (72.9%) to Republican campaigns or super PACs purely supporting Republican causes, compared to $10.1 million (21.5%) to Democrats over the past three elections. Less than 6% of contributions went to bipartisan or unaffiliated recipients.

The research includes more than 160 owners and commissioners spanning 125 teams, though no list of this kind can be completely comprehensive. Only current owners in each league and only their contributions while they have been involved with their franchises were included. Spouses and relatives were not considered unless they also play a controlling role in the ownership group. If a contribution appeared to be from an owner but could not be confirmed, it was not included. And, as is the case with many millionaires and billionaires, owners have a number of ways to hide their political spending.

Some of the biggest takeaways from the data are below. And in the coming days, the series will delve into:

• The three different reasons owners donate to politicians

• Dark money and why owners hide their political spending

• Why the NFL has its own super PAC

• How political perception differs from reality in each league

• How athletes are working to create their own political change

Overall contributions

Contemporary sports ownership has become an exclusive club with entry fees that reach into eight- and nine-figure territory. The rarefied Americans who can afford those fees tend to skew older, whiter and more male. As political donors, these owners skew toward the GOP.

Of the 160 owners and commissioners in ESPN's database, 74 contributed a majority of their publicly searchable funds to Republican campaigns, with 48 donating a majority to Democrats and the rest sending most of their money to causes that aren't fully aligned with either party.

But while that overall summary is interesting, a more pronounced signal begins to emerge when we look more closely at this group's larger political donations. There are 40 owners who have donated at least $100,000 to Republican causes over the six-year period, compared to 23 owners topping $100,000 to Democrats, helping lead to these splits:

In total, here is the election-cycle contribution breakdown for owners and commissioners for these leagues:

• 2016: $12,940,514 Republican | $4,065,093 Democrat

• 2018: $11,282,570 Republican | $4,174,212 Democrat

• 2020: $10,022,931 Republican | $1,874,333 Democrat

It's important to note that not all data for the 2020 election cycle is publicly available at our time of publishing. Some of the biggest super PACs had filed only individual contributor data to the FEC as of June 30, meaning their most recent contributions aren't included in our totals.

Drilling down deeper into the data, we can see that federal contributions in each league lean red, except for in the WNBA:

Overall, 51.7% of all contributions by WNBA owners went to Democrats, with 42.3% going to Republicans. And of the $1.3 million contributed by WNBA owners to Republicans, 65.5% came from Atlanta Dream co-owner and Sen. Kelly Loeffler (R-Ga.).

Expanding to all the leagues in our research, here are their totals to each party over the six-year period:

• MLB: $15,181,761 Republican | $5,184,604 Democrat

• NBA: $8,372,300 Republican | $2,641,487 Democrat

• NHL: $7,087,116 Republican | $1,726,733 Democrat

• NFL: $5,032,470 Republican | $873,500 Democrat

• WNBA: $1,338,459 Republican | $1,634,153 Democrat

• NASCAR: $576,110 Republican | $93,983 Democrat

Owners' conservative lean extends into the current presidential cycle as well. Americans have donated similar amounts to both Joe Biden and President Donald Trump, but owners are giving more to Trump, according to the database.

Thirteen owners have contributed directly to Trump's campaign or Trump super PACs in the 2020 election cycle, with contributions adding up to $1,746,423. That list of owners includes:

• Bill Foley (Vegas Golden Knights), Bill Hornbuckle (Las Vegas Aces), Charles Johnson (San Francisco Giants), Dan Devos (Orlando Magic), Jack Roush (NASCAR), James Dolan (New York Knicks and New York Rangers), Kelly Loeffler (Atlanta Dream), Mike Brown (Cincinnati Bengals), Peter Karmanos (Carolina Hurricanes), Robert Plummer (Los Angeles Dodgers), Roger Penske (Team Penske) Tilman Fertitta (Houston Rockets) and Todd Ricketts (Chicago Cubs)

By contrast, 20 owners have contributed directly to Biden or Biden's super PACs, though at smaller totals, with overall contributions equaling $405,745. The Biden contributors include:

• Arthur Blank (Atlanta Falcons), Arthur J. Rooney II (Pittsburgh Steelers), Billie Jean King (Dodgers), David Blitzer (Philadelphia 76ers and New Jersey Devils), David Bonderman (Seattle Kraken), Herbert Fritch (Nashville Predators), Herbert Simon (Indiana Pacers and Fever), Ilana Kloss (Dodgers), James Dinan (Milwaukee Bucks), Jeff Dickerson (Spire Motorsports), Jim Pohlad (Minnesota Twins), John Rogers (Chicago Sky), Laura Ricketts (Cubs), Marc Lasry (Bucks), Mary Kelly (Denver Broncos), Michael Alter (Sky), Peter Guber (Golden State Warriors and Dodgers), Tom Werner (Boston Red Sox), Zygi Wilf (Minnesota Vikings) and Hornbuckle

-- Kirk Goldsberry

The big-money donors

A relatively small group of donors makes up a huge chunk of the overall donation data. Forty owners account for more than $40 million -- more than 85% of all contributions. And looking specifically at these big spenders, it's clear where their allegiances lie: 77.7% of that $40 million went to Republican causes or candidates, with 18.8% going to Democrats.

This is where the political spending power among American professional sports ownership is concentrated. Here's that full list:

• Bill Foley (Knights), Charles Johnson (Giants), Dan DeVos (Magic), Dan Gilbert (Cavaliers), Dan Snyder (Washington), David Tepper (Panthers), David Bonderman (Kraken), E. Stanley and Ann Kroenke (Nuggets/Rams/Avalanche), Edward Glazer (Buccaneers), Fred Wilpon (Mets), Herbert Simon (Pacers/Fever), James Dinan (Bucks), James Dolan (Knicks/Rangers), Janice McNair (Texans), Jeremy and Jerry Jacobs (Bruins), Jerry Jones (Cowboys), Jerry Reinsdorf (Bulls/White Sox), Jim Pohlad (Twins), Jimmy and Susan Haslam (Browns), Jody and Paul Allen (Blazers/Seahawks), Josh Harris (76ers/Devils), Kelly Loeffler (Dream), Ken Kendrick (Diamondbacks), Laura Ricketts (Cubs), Magic Johnson (Dodgers/Sparks), Micky Arison (Heat), Peter Angelos (Orioles), Peter Karmanos (Hurricanes), Philip Anschutz (Kings), Ray Davis (Rangers), Robert Castellini (Reds), Roger Penske (Team Penske), Ron Burkle (Penguins), Stephen Ross (Dolphins), Steve Tisch (Giants), Ted Leonsis (Wizards) and Tilman Fertitta (Rockets)

And when we isolate just the big-ticket donations topping $100,000 from this group, a familiar picture emerges. More than 63% of the $47 million in the database of nearly 3,000 contributions comes from over 100 donations split among these 40 owners -- and 79% of that money went to Republican causes.

No matter how you slice it, the big takeaway is clear: The biggest political spenders in pro sports prefer red to blue. -- Goldsberry

Owner-level data

This table reflects the total contributions for each owner and commissioner in our database over the past three election cycles, grouped by political party. Note that some family members appear together and that only contributions while owners have been involved with the team are included. You can find more of the data here.

The British international athlete has not returned after going for a run in Perthshire

A major search has been launched to find GB international mountain runner Chris Smith, who has gone missing while on a run in Perthshire, Scotland.

According to an appeal issued by Smith’s brother-in-law Billy Milligan on social media, Smith went out to run Meall nan Aighean, Carn Mairg, Meall Garbh and Carn Gorm on October 27 at 3pm, and should have returned a couple of hours later.

“Chris is an experienced fell runner and Dad to two boys who are missing him so much,” reads the appeal.

“He went out to run Meall nan Aighean, Carn Mairg, Meall Garbh and Carn Gorm yesterday at 3pm, leaving from Invervar, and should have been back around 5pm.

“He may have become disorientated and ended up further afield.”

Thames Valley Harrier Smith has raced at multiple world and European mountain running championships, finishing eighth at the European event in 2013 and 10th at the world event in Wales in 2015.

Scrum-half Willi Heinz has been ruled out of England's Six Nations finale against Italy with a leg injury.

Uncapped Mitchell had been named in an earlier England training squad.

England could seal the Six Nations title with a win against Italy on Saturday if the result of France v Ireland goes their way.

"We'll see how he recovers this week," England defence coach said of Heinz's "soft-tissue injury".

"It's important that we get on top of it. Soft-tissue injuries can be very tricky so you can't afford to be too hasty."

Youngs, 31, is set to earn his 100th England cap on Saturday, while Robson will be hoping to win his third.

Gloucester's Heinz was a surprise inclusion in head coach Eddie Jones' 2019 World Cup squad but has since become an England regular.

The 33-year-old joins a growing list of unavailable players, with Exeter hooker Luke Cowan-Dickie, club-mate Jack Nowell, Saracens' Elliot Daly, Leicester fly-half George Ford and Harlequins prop Joe Marler also out of the game in Rome.

Northampton lock Courtney Lawes and Sale centre Manu Tuilagi are long-term absentees.

Bath scrum-half Ben Spencer - who flew to Japan as injury cover for Heinz ahead of the World Cup final - continues to be overlooked by Jones despite his impressive recent Premiership performances.

Jones will name his team to face Italy on Thursday.

MARTINSVILLE, Va. – Sheldon Creed will start first for Friday night’s scheduled NASCAR Gander RV & Outdoors Truck Series playoff race at Martinsville Speedway.

Creed earned the top spot on the grid thanks to NASCAR’s metric qualifying formula.

The NASCAR matrix factors in a driver’s lap speed ranking from the previous race, the last race finish for both driver and owner and the car’s current rank in the owner standings.

Lap speed is weighted at 15 percent, previous race finish at 25 percent for the driver and owner results and owner points position at 35 percent to calculate the final metric score.

Driver and owner playoff-eligible entries are ranked at the front of the field based on their metric scores from lowest to highest, with all non-playoff entries lined up behind the playoff cars in similar fashion.

Creed will start first thanks to a metric score of 1.45, factoring in his win last weekend at Texas Motor Speedway, the fourth-fastest lap from that event and his point-leading status.

His GMS Racing teammate, Zane Smith, will join him on the front row. Austin Hill and Brett Moffitt will start third and fourth, respectively, with Matt Crafton gridding in fifth place.

Tyler Ankrum, Ben Rhodes and Grant Enfinger fill out the playoff drivers in the first four rows, with Brandon Jones starting ninth in the Kyle Busch Motorsports No. 51, which remains alive in the race for the owner championship.

Raphael Lessard starts highest among the non-playoff contenders in 10th.

To view the complete starting lineup and performance matrix breakdown, click here.

The NASCAR Hall of Fame 200 is scheduled for an 8 p.m. ET start Friday night, with live coverage on FS1, the Motor Racing Network and SiriusXM NASCAR Radio, channel 90.

Should the rain-postponed NASCAR Cup Series race at Texas Motor Speedway not run to its conclusion on Wednesday, that schedule could be subject to change, per NASCAR.

MARTINSVILLE, Va. – Hoping to win his way into the Championship 4, Austin Cindric will start from the pole for Saturday’s scheduled NASCAR Xfinity Series race at Martinsville Speedway.

Cindric earned the top spot on the grid thanks to NASCAR’s metric qualifying formula.

The NASCAR matrix factors in a driver’s lap speed ranking from the previous race, the last race finish for both driver and owner and the car’s current rank in the owner standings.

Lap speed is weighted at 15 percent, previous race finish at 25 percent for the driver and owner results and owner points position at 35 percent to calculate the final metric score.

Driver and owner playoff-eligible entries are ranked at the front of the field based on their metric scores from lowest to highest, with all non-playoff entries lined up behind the playoff cars in similar fashion.

Cindric earned the top spot with a metric score of 3.6, factoring in a fourth-place finish last weekend at Texas Motor Speedway, the sixth-fastest lap from that event and runner-up status in the current point standings.

Noah Gragson, who nearly won at Texas and likely still needs to win at Martinsville to make the Championship 4, will join Cindric on the front row. Kaulig Racing teammates Justin Haley and Ross Chastain will share the second row of the starting grid.

Chase Briscoe fills out the top five, followed by Justin Allgaier, Brandon Jones, Jeb Burton and Ryan Sieg among the playoff contenders that still remain eligible for either the driver or owner titles.

Texas winner Harrison Burton starts best among the non-playoff drivers in 10th.

To view the complete starting lineup and performance matrix, click here.

The Draft Top 250, the first NASCAR Xfinity Series race at Martinsville since 2006, is scheduled for a 3:30 p.m. ET start on Saturday, with live coverage on NBC, the Motor Racing Network and SiriusXM NASCAR Radio, channel 90.

If the rain-postponed NASCAR Cup Series race from Texas is not able to be completed on Wednesday, the Xfinity Series schedule at Martinsville is subject to change, per NASCAR.

WILMETTE, Ill. – Officials from the National Speedway Directory have announced that this year’s Race Track Business Conference VRTL will be held on Wednesday, Dec. 9.

The ninth annual Race Track Business Conference will be returning this year with an online format. The event will be part of web-based programming activities for the PRI Trade Show.

RTBC 2020 VRTL will have four sessions and a keynote during the half-day format.

Additional information on topics and speakers will be announced over the next few weeks.

The cost to attend RTBC 2020 VRTL is $25. Additional information can be found at www.racetrackbusinessconference.com or by contacting Tim Frost at [email protected] or (847) 853-0294.

INDIANAPOLIS – Chip Ganassi Racing announced Wednesday that 30-year-old Swede Marcus Ericsson has signed a multi-year deal to continue driving the No. 8 Honda in the NTT IndyCar Series.

Partnership details will be announced in the off-season in preparation for the 2021 IndyCar season and beyond.

Ericsson is coming off his first year with Chip Ganassi Racing, finishing 12th in the 2020 NTT IndyCar Series standings. He started 2020 with an entry that didn’t exist the year before, and piloted the No. 8 Honda to a season-best fourth-place finish at Road America.

His season-best qualifying result came in the first half of the Gateway doubleheader where he started fourth, and overall he scored nine top-10 finishes in the 14 races in his first year with the organization.

Prior to his rookie season in IndyCar in 2019, the Kumla, Sweden native most recently completed his fifth year in Formula 1 in 2018 with a total of 97 starts.

Ericsson is a two-time champion (Formula BMW UK, 2007; Japanese Formula Three, 2009), and has twice claimed the Swedish Junior Racer of the Year award (2007, 2009). Ericsson also previously competed in British Formula Three, GP2 Asia and GP2.

“I’m very happy to continue my relationship with Chip Ganassi Racing, Honda and HPD into 2021 and beyond,” said Ericsson. “I want to thank Chip and the whole CGR organization for their trust in me. Chip Ganassi Racing is one of the best teams in motorsports and I’m proud to be part of the team. The season we’ve just finished has been full of potential and I feel confident that with what we’ve learned together this year will help us succeed in 2021. I’m looking forward to getting back in the No. 8 Honda!”

“Marcus proved that he belongs here, and this season he contributed to the success of our team greatly. That includes being unselfish to his teammates, especially with Scott Dixon who won the IndyCar championship,” added Mike Hull, Managing Director, Chip Ganassi Racing. “He’s a great foundational piece of our overall program and he fits well within our group. That translates into success on the track, and we’re glad to have him continue to grow and move the team toward into the future.”

Benfica manager Jorge Jesus has criticised Manchester City's Bernardo Silva and labelled him "ungrateful" after the player claimed the club need a new president.

Silva, who worked under Jesus during his three-year spell at Benfica, wrote a lengthy statement on social media about the club's lack of ambition ahead of the presidential elections this week.

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Benfica have won five of the last six Portuguese league titles but only reached the Champions League quarterfinals once in that period.

"For many years I never wanted to talk about Bernardo Silva, because he also messed with me for many years. It's OK with me," Jesus told a news conference ahead of their Europa League game against Standard Liege.

"Now with the club president who helped him grow, who continues to provide great conditions for young people to go out to better clubs, as is the case with him. It is very ungrateful.

"There are many defects that a man can have, but the worst thing is to be ungrateful. You can have a different idea, but you can't be ungrateful.

"I was the one who added Bernardo Silva to the team. We went on tour several games and when we arrived in Portugal, he asked me: 'Mister, what are your ideas about me? I want to know if I will play.'

"I said: 'If you play, what do you mean? Explain it to me... Nico [Gaitan] comes out and you play? Does Salvio come out and you play? What do you want me to do?'

"Silva said: 'I have a contract to leave, I'm going to earn 20 times more, and I need to help my family. I need the coach to let me out.'

"'Then talk to the president, it's not me,' I replied. If he's listening to me, let him say that this is the truth, it wasn't because I put him on the left side.

"After all these years I'm telling you because he was ungrateful to the president of Benfica. I didn't know how to make up for what Benfica and what the president did for him."

Silva came on as a second-half substitute in City's 3-0 victory at Marseille in the Champions League on Tuesday.

Tottenham midfielder Tanguy Ndombele has said that he was not motivated by previous criticism from manager Jose Mourinho.

Mourinho singled out Ndombele in the 1-1 draw at Burnley last season and omitted him from the matchday squad for the last three matches of the Premier League campaign.

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Sources told ESPN that Ndombele was so upset he didn't want to play for Mourinho again, but he has since bounced back and impressed with his performances this term.

"His words didn't hurt me," he told Sky Sports after Spurs' 1-0 victory at Burnley on Monday. "They didn't necessarily motivate me either.

"It was just something that I assimilated and took on board. Of course it's not something that you like to hear, those sort of words, but that was last season and we are looking to the future."

The club's record signing has featured in every league game this season and said his form has improved because he is playing regularly.

"I feel better," he added. "That comes from playing consecutive matches. it's good for a player to have a good rhythm like that and get into shape.

"Last year I didn't have that so much. This year I do so it's better for the team and it's better for me.

"Between France and England there's a real difference in the intensity of the matches. Last season my head just wasn't in the right place. This season it's going a lot better."

Spurs are in fifth position in the table after picking up their third consecutive away win at Turf Moor. Mourinho's side are two points off the top and Ndombele is confident they can challenge for the title.

"Our objective has always been to get into the top four," he said. "More than that? Why not? But nobody wins the league in six matches.

"Even if we were top of the league at this stage there'd still be 32 matches to play."